Systems of Survival

Jane Jacobs is better know by her book "The Death and Life of Great American Cities" but Systems of Survival is her masterpiece on morality. 

Different from her previous work Systems of Survival is written as a dialogue which is interesting in itself. Each character represent a different point of view and together they develop, through a series of socratic dialogues and research, a moral system that answers the initial quest of a systemic thinking about morality in practical working life. 

Jacobs calls these frameworks syndrome not as a type of illness but "it comes from the Greek, meaning 'things that run together'. We customarily use it to mean a group of symptoms that characterize a given condition." In other words these systems represent a whole set of precepts to address how people solve their living problems.

"My hypothesis is that we have two contradictory ways of getting a living; therefore we have two contradictory moral syndromes, one to suit each way and its derivatives."

"I've come to think of the two moral syndromes as survival systems, worked out by long experience of with trading, on the one hand, and taking on the other"

These syndromes are the Guardian and the Commercial

Moral Precepts
Guardian Syndrome	Commercial Syndrome
Shun trading Exert prowess Be obedient and disciplined Adhere to tradition Respect hierarchy Be loyal Take vengeance Deceive for the sake of the task Make rich use of leisure Be ostentatious Dispense largesse Be exclusive Show fortitude Be fatalistic Treasure honor	Shun force Compete Be efficient Be open to inventiveness and novelty Use initiative and enterprise Come to voluntary agreements Respect contracts Dissent for the sake of the task Be industrious Be thrifty Invest for productive purposes Collaborate easily with strangers and aliens Promote comfort and convenience Be optimistic Be honest

For Jacobs both systems or syndromes are natural and needed. However they can be corrupted by crossing the boundaries that separate them. Through a historic analysis the characters uncover these two syndromes, how the corruption made them fail and how has societies kept them separated.  Historically, to keep the two syndromes confined and moral integrity, we either use a cast regime or a rational moral flexibility. The group lean for an imperfect moral flexibility over the cast system.

"If it is true we're the only creatures with two fundamentally different ways of getting a living, it follows that to be as fully human as we can be, we should all be capable of using our two syndromes well. They belong to all of us because we are human, no other reason." 

"Every normal person the world over is inherently capable of both trading and taking..... But knowing when it's appropriate to use the one or the other approach, trading or taking, and how to do it properly - those things are culturally learned, mostly by imitation and practice."

Jane Jacobs' conclusions of Systems of Survival is that "the guardian-commercial symbiosis that combats force, fraud, and unconscionable greed in commerce life - and simultaneously impels guardians to respect private plans, private property, and personal rights. ... Perhaps we have a useful definition of civilization: reasonably workable guardian-commercial symbiosis"

Children and Play in the Holocaust

Children and Play in the Holocaust is a emotionally hard to read essay by George Eisen. With a long list of references Eisen presents the experience of children in ghettos, detention centers and concentration camps during the Nazi occupation. These stories challenge the classical theory of play but also reinforce how play is so encoded in our genes that is almost unavoidable. 

"Play burst forth spontaneously and uncontrollably without regard of the external situation."

The sociological, psychological, physiological and even political aspects of life during the Holocaust are visited under the lens of children, and adult, play.

"Their play, just like all human experiences, was reflective of and governed by societal, psychological, and economic conditions of the society in which they took place."

For the people in the play field the book can be used as a catalog of play experiences to be classified under the 16 play types by Bob Hughes; to identify the play cycle and the role of adults in free play.

A River in Darkness

A River in Darkness is a surreal story of a man struggle to survive in North Korea. Half Japanese and half Korean, Masaji Ishikawa migrated to North Korea after his father got enticed by the lies of Kim Il-sung. For 36 years he struggle to survive to care for his family and see them die of starvation and abuse. He finally made it back to Japan just to find indifference and hostility. 

Among the lessons in the book is the eyewitness testimony of the failure of central planning (core of Socialism and Communism)

But that’s the thing. People in North Korea spend so much time in study meetings and calculating the number of hours they’ve worked that there’s no time to do the actual work. The result? Raw materials don’t arrive in factories, the electricity doesn’t work, and farms are overrun with weeds. But as long as people can get their food rations, they don’t care.

The black market was also thriving. It seemed the more messed up a country became, the more the black market prospered.

A River in Darkness is strikingly crude in the recollections of Ishikawa memories but also in the blind eye of other governments that wanted to avoid conflicts with North Korea, specially China and Japan itself. 

I often think about what would have become of me if I’d stayed in North Korea. I would probably have starved too. But at least I’d have died in someone’s arms with my family gathered around me. We’d have said our goodbyes. What chance of that now?

Ishikawa disappeared, don't know if publishing the book helped him in anyway. Don't even know if Masaji Ishikawa is his real name or a pen name. We just can hope he found peace.

Omnipotent Government

Ludwin Von Mises wrote Omnipotent Government in 1944 at the last days of WWII. Mises describes the philosophical grounds of the Nazi movement. A book rich in history background and a though provoking plan for the future.

In the first part Mises explains the German Liberalism during the middle of the XIX when the ideas of the classical Liberalism were partially adopted in Germany. According to Mises:

"At about the middle of the nineteenth century those Germans interested in political issues were united in their adherence to liberalism. Yet the German nation did not succeed in shaking off the yoke of absolutism and in establishing democracy and parliamentary government."

Mises explains the history of Germany from the late XVIII to the early XX with a different point of view from the dominant Socialist Historians. Overall he shows how and why a powerful-educated German society fell into Nazism.

"The questions to be answered are not: Why did the bankers and the rich entrepreneurs and capitalists desert liberalism? Why did the professors, the doctors, and the lawyers not erect barricades? We must rather ask: Why did the German nation return to the Reichstag members who did not abolish absolutism? Why was the army, formed for a great part of men who voted the socialist or the Catholic ticket, unconditionally loyal to its commanders? Why could the antiliberal parties, foremost among them the Social Democrats, collect many millions of votes while the groups which remained faithful to the principles of liberalism lost more and more popular support? Why did the millions of socialist voters who indulged in revolutionary babble acquiesce in the rule of princes and courts?"

For Mises the German Liberals were unable to protect the principles and ideas that help them succeed. They saw Socialism and Nazism as temporary setbacks and never recognize the deep roots of Etatism. Soon Etatism armed with a strong military evolved into nationalism.

"As soon as liberalism reached Germany and Italy the problem of the extent of the state and its boundaries was raised. It solution seemed easy. The nation is the community of all people speaking the same language; the state's frontiers should coincide with the linguistic demarcations."

"The principle of nationality is an outcome of the interpretation which people in Central and Eastern Europe, who never fully grasped the meaning of liberal ideas, gave to the principle of self-determination. It is a distortion, not a perfection, of liberal thought."

The nationalism originally define as unity of language evolved  to unity of race. The idea that Germany was the strongest among European nations contrasted with the defeat after WWI and the unacceptable conditions of the Versailles Treaty. It fueled the legend of "the stab in the back" followed by the total failure of the Weimar Republic setting the conditions to the advent of Nazism. The party sold itself as the enemy of the communist to the liberals and as saver of the poor from the bourgeois. But overall a saver of the German Nationalism, nationalism now defined by race with a common enemy, Jews.

Mises' conclusion can be read two ways. Considering the era when The Omnipotent Government was published he recognize the improbability of a liberal world, necessary to discard aggression from other countries, plus the risk of government to close their borders establishing autarkic states and starting aggression against their neighbors to eliminate its dependency. 

"But will all men rightly understand their own interests? What if they do not? This is the weak point in the liberal plea for a free world of peaceful coöperation. The realization of the liberal plan is impossible because—at least for our time—people lack the mental ability to absorb the principles of sound economics. Most men are too dull to follow complicated chains of reasoning. Liberalism failed because the intellectual capacities of the immense majority were insufficient for the task of comprehension."

But sixty years later we can read his conclusion as a kind of prophecy of how humanity is condemned to live with the risk of war supporting strong armies as long as the different flavors of etatism are not replaced by liberalism, where goods and people move freely anywhere in the world.

Is capitalism an all or nothing global condition for peace? Are global coalitions and governments the only defense to totalitarian neighbors?

This book was the subject of the 2015 Socialism Seminar organized by the Center for the Study of Capitalism at Universidad Francisco Marroquin.

My rating 4 out of 5.

Resistencia no violenta a regímenes autoritarios de base democrática

El juez Ricardo Rojas (@rmrojas58) nos trae "Resistencia no violenta a regímenes autoritarios de base democrática", un libro oportuno ante las múltiples y crecientes manifestaciones de rechazo de los ciudadanos hacia sus gobiernos (Guatemala, Honduras, Venezuela, Brasil, México, Argentina, etc.) 

El juez Rojas construye sobre la tesis de Gene Sharp sobre cómo funcionan las revoluciones no violentas frente a dictaduras. Existen muchas similitudes entre regímenes netamente autoritarios (producto de dictadores, golpes de estado o guerras) y aquellos que se disfrazan por haber llegado al poder por la vía democrática.

Uno de los primeros puntos que aborda Ricardo es cuestionar la legitimidad de todo gobierno que surge de un proceso democrático.

"es importante investigar de qué se está hablando cuando se utiliza este vocablo [democracia], pues dentro de sus tantos significados se esconden formas de gobierno autoritarias."

Los gobernantes electos con aspiraciones autoritarias traicionan a sus electores y olvidan que son simples empleados. En lugar de cumplir con las funciones definidas por la ley, creen que recibieron un cheque en blanco para violar los derechos de las personas en nombre de su misma defensa. 

La democracia no es una panacea y dentro del sistema republicano juega un rol que no debe ser deificado. 

"la idea de una democracia directa, del 'Pueblo' tomando decisiones por sí mismo respecto de los asuntos públicos, es tan romántica como impracticable"

Las medidas no violentas son mecanismos para contener los abusos de los gobiernos sobre los derechos individuales y no tanto para el derrocamiento de los mismos. Es así que Ricardo sugiere prevenir que los gobernantes puedan acumular poder y llegar a abusar del mismo. Para ello nos recuerda la importancia de cuidar los principios republicanos básicos como el respeto a la constitución, la independencia de poderes, el fortalecimiento de instituciones, la libertad de prensa, la descentralización del poder, y el control electoral, entre otros.

A diferencia de muchos casos tradicionales de totalitarismo la adhesión es más compleja en los casos analizados por el juez Rojas. Por ejemplo a la oposición se le critica como opositores de la democracia y la voluntad de la mayoría. Amén de estas reacciones, la organización de sistemas de resistencia es posible aún cuando el origen del poder hayan sido elecciones.

En la última parte Ricardo abarca los requerimientos organizacionales y de planificación para que los esfuerzos no se dispersen o se esfumen producto del cansancio y el conformismo. Con una buena estrategia la aplicación de algunas de los casi 200 prácticas no violentas de resistencia de Sharp se hace de forma ordenada y con objetivos claros, lo que les da mayor fuerza y efectividad. 

Como complemento el libro del juez Rojas incluye el texto "De la dictadura a la democracia. Un sistema conceptual para la Liberación" de Gene Sharp.

Indiscutiblemente el aporte de Ricardo es relevante. Cuando la presentación del libro es censurada y acusada de promover el desorden se puede apreciar su valor. Como dijo Winston Churchill "¿Tienes enemigos? Bien. Eso significa que has defendido algo, alguna vez en tu vida."

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